Afghanistan: Hintergrund

The situa­ti­on of women under the Taliban’s rule // Die Situa­ti­on von Frau­en unter der Herr­schaft der Tali­ban

Hier doku­men­tie­ren wir eine Rede, die auf der Info­ver­an­stal­tung zum Lan­des­auf­nah­me­pro­gamm Bremen am 20.9.2023 von einer jun­gen Afgha­nin gehal­ten wur­de:

Hel­lo Ever­yo­ne! It is a gre­at plea­su­re to wel­co­me you all to my today’s speech. I hope you will be fine and fee­ling well.

I start my speech with the hope that huma­ni­ty thri­ves world­wi­de and that inju­s­ti­ce and oppres­si­on are era­di­ca­ted. I am Naz­da­na Sult­an­far, a girl from the foot­hills of Afgha­ni­stan, who has been depri­ved of all her social and cul­tu­ral acti­vi­ties after the fall of Kabul by the Tali­ban. I am a girl who lived under the rule of the Tali­ban with thou­sands of pain and suf­fe­ring for a year. Not only I have been never depres­sed and frus­tra­ted, but I have also been loo­king to find bet­ter oppor­tu­ni­ties. The­r­e­fo­re, with the kind assis­tance of the Ger­man govern­ment and phil­an­thro­pic peo­p­le of Ger­ma­ny, I recei­ved a scho­lar­ship to stu­dy at Bremen Uni­ver­si­ty.

Now, let me talk about the situa­ti­on of women under the Taliban’s rule and share some of my hard­ships with you.

Dear audi­ence!

The cou­ra­ge­ous women of Afgha­ni­stan, who fought against ine­qua­li­ties for twen­ty years and had achie­ved some level of free­dom like the right to work and edu­ca­ti­on, unfort­u­na­te­ly, have been depri­ved of their human rights once again by the Tali­ban. The Taliban’s reign in Afgha­ni­stan has brought about various forms of oppres­si­on and bru­ta­li­ty against women. The­se include group assaults, rest­ric­tions on edu­ca­ti­on and free­dom of speech, bans on employ­ment, tra­vel limi­ta­ti­ons within and out­side the coun­try wit­hout a male com­pa­n­ion, clo­sure of beau­ty salons and recrea­tio­nal venues, and much more.

Reg­rett­ab­ly, the world and inter­na­tio­nal orga­niza­ti­ons have tur­ned a blind eye and remain­ed silent in Afgha­ni­stan, despi­te the pre­sence of human rights orga­niza­ti­ons ope­ra­ting world­wi­de.

Howe­ver, despi­te of chal­lenges in Afgha­ni­stan, the­re are also women who rai­se their voices behind clo­sed doors, pro­test­ing and con­vey­ing their mes­sa­ge to the world and human rights orga­niza­ti­ons. Unfort­u­na­te­ly, they have been for­got­ten, while the world con­ti­nues to sup­port the Tali­ban through fun­ding and con­ces­si­ons, ther­eby endor­sing their regime.

It is neces­sa­ry to remind the cou­ra­ge of the women and girls who were relo­ca­ted here by the Ger­man govern­ment. In recent days, they pro­tes­ted and deman­ded the reco­gni­ti­on of gen­der apart­heid and geno­ci­de in Afgha­ni­stan. Unfort­u­na­te­ly, the offi­ci­als remain­ed silent and did not respond to their pro­tests. The­r­e­fo­re, I request the Ger­man govern­ment and human rights orga­niza­ti­ons to ampli­fy the voices of women and peo­p­le of Afgha­ni­stan and con­vey them to the world. Moreo­ver, pro­vi­des assis­tance in the immi­gra­ti­on pro­cess for tho­se who­se lives are in dan­ger. In the­se chal­len­ging times, your huma­ni­ta­ri­an col­la­bo­ra­ti­on shows your kind huma­ni­ty.


Thank you for your time and con­side­ra­ti­on.

Afghanistan: Hintergrund

Why Haza­ra are in Dan­ger // War­um Haza­ra in Gefahr sind

Hier doku­men­tie­ren wir eine Rede, die auf der Info­ver­an­stal­tung zum Lan­des­auf­nah­me­pro­gamm Bremen am 20.9.2023 von einer jun­gen Afgha­nin gehal­ten wur­de:

It was a day in a May 2020 when I was at save rooms for 6 hours wit­hout any move­ment and hope to sur­vi­ve. An atta­cker took the life of 24 mothers and a child. I wit­nessed mothers who, despi­te the Saul were not in their body, but still had their child in their arms. This is a cor­ner of the dai­ly life of Hazara’s mino­ri­ty in Afgha­ni­stan. Befo­re, to talk about the cur­rent situa­ti­on of mino­ri­ties in Afgha­ni­stan spe­ci­fi­cal­ly Haza­ras and the risk that they are curr­ent­ly expe­ri­en­cing, let me to talk about this peo­p­le and who they are? Haza­ras are one of the lar­gest eth­nic and reli­gious mino­ri­ty in Afgha­ni­stan. Accor­ding to the artic­les that were published in the Geor­ge Washing­ton uni­ver­si­ty web­site in march 2022, their popu­la­ti­on esti­ma­ted 20% from the who­le popu­la­ti­on of Afgha­ni­stan. they have Shii­te faith and have a spe­ci­fic eth­ni­ci­ty, cul­tu­re and lan­guage. They speak with Haza­ra­gi accent and are a very hard­wor­king peo­p­le.

Now , why an urgent action is nee­ded for Hazara’s mino­ri­ty in Afgha­ni­stan? Due to their eth­nic and reli­gious iden­ti­ty, the Haza­ra peo­p­le have long been oppres­sed, dis­cri­mi­na­ted against, and per­se­cu­ted. The Haza­ra peo­p­le have expe­ri­en­ced pre­ju­di­ce, repres­si­on, and vio­lence throug­hout Afghanistan’s histo­ry. They have endu­red hor­rors like the 19th-cen­tu­ry Haza­ra mas­sa­cres under Abdur Rah­man Khan’s aut­ho­ri­ty, which cau­sed a sizable sec­tion of their popu­la­ti­on to peri­sh. The Haza­ras were deli­bera­te­ly atta­cked under the Taliban’s pre­vious regime, which las­ted from 1996 to 2001. The Haza­ra com­mu­ni­ty in Afgha­ni­stan saw an oppor­tu­ni­ty in the last two deca­des of for­eign inter­ven­ti­on and repu­bli­can govern­ment, with at least the 2004 con­sti­tu­ti­on reco­gni­zing them as equal citi­zens. Despi­te the pre­sence of pro­mi­nent poli­ti­ci­ans, the com­mu­ni­ty faced dis­cri­mi­na­ti­on and lack of poli­ti­cal par­ti­ci­pa­ti­on. The Haza­ras play­ed a cen­tral role in demo­cra­tiza­ti­on and insti­tu­ti­on-buil­ding, with high voter turn­out and acti­ve par­ti­ci­pa­ti­on from women. The Tali­ban insur­gen­cy then fre­quent­ly tar­ge­ted Haza­ras as a result of their sup­port for demo­cra­cy, their eth­ni­ci­ty and faith in Afgha­ni­stan. Haza­ras in Afgha­ni­stan now face direct dan­gers and per­va­si­ve dis­cri­mi­na­ti­on as a result of the Taliban’s return to power. A sub­stan­ti­al num­ber of dif­fi­cul­ties and risks faces the Haza­ras, for a num­ber of reasons:

First of all, in a nati­on whe­re Sun­ni Islam is prac­ti­ced by the majo­ri­ty of the popu­la­ti­on, the Haza­ras are most­ly Shia Mus­lims. Due to their dif­fe­ring theo­lo­gi­cal views, they have beco­me a tar­get for the Tali­ban and other radi­cal Sun­ni groups that fol­low a rigo­rous inter­pre­ta­ti­on of Sun­ni Islam. Haza­ras were trea­ted bru­t­ally by the Tali­ban, who fol­low a very strict form of Sun­ni Islam, inclu­ding mass exe­cu­ti­ons, forced relo­ca­ti­on, and forced con­ver­si­ons.

Second­ly, the majo­ri­ty of Haza­ras live in the midd­le and wes­tern regi­ons of Afgha­ni­stan, in places like Bami­yan and Dai­kun­di. They are more likely to be in places whe­re secu­ri­ty forces may not be as pre­sent due to their geo­gra­phic con­cen­tra­ti­on, making them more vul­nerable to attacks by dif­fe­rent ter­ro­rist group and they recei­ve zero sup­port from the cen­tral govern­ment and inter­na­tio­nal orga­niza­ti­ons.

Third­ly, After the return of Tali­ban to power in Afgha­ni­stan, the Tali­ban have laun­ched on a radi­cal and quick rever­sal of the poli­ti­cal, social, and civil advan­ces of the last two deca­des, incre­asing the vul­nerabi­li­ty of the eth­nic Haza­ras in the coun­try. Ext­ra­ju­di­cial kil­lings, extor­ti­on, dis­cri­mi­na­to­ry tac­tics, and forced relo­ca­ti­on have all retur­ned. With their poli­ti­cal and civic rights fur­ther curtail­ed by an extre­me Sun­ni inter­pre­ta­ti­on of Islam and the racial hat­red that cha­rac­te­ri­zed the Tali­ban govern­ment, Haza­ras now expe­ri­ence eco­no­mic mar­gi­na­liza­ti­on, limi­t­ed access to edu­ca­ti­on, and cons­trai­ned chan­ces for work and deve­lo­p­ment.

In addi­ti­on, Haza­ras have no real poli­ti­cal inclu­si­on or repre­sen­ta­ti­on in the aut­ho­ri­ta­ri­an Isla­mic Emi­ra­te of Afgha­ni­stan under the Tali­ban. The Tali­ban have enac­ted overt­ly dis­cri­mi­na­to­ry mea­su­res ever sin­ce sei­zing power in Afgha­ni­stan. While some mem­bers of the inter­na­tio­nal world have expres­sed con­cern about the fate of Haza­ras, the Tali­ban have rejec­ted the appeal for inclu­si­vi­ty, clai­ming that anyo­ne who have ser­ved in the last 20 years’ worth of govern­ments will not be allo­wed. Accor­ding to their inter­pre­ta­ti­on, inclu­si­on is rest­ric­ted to Sun­ni reli­gious orga­niza­ti­ons as well as fronts and forces that fought for the Tali­ban and atten­ded reli­gious insti­tu­ti­ons in Paki­stan and par­ti­cu­lar regi­ons of Afgha­ni­stan.

Last but not least, Amidst the world’s worst huma­ni­ta­ri­an cri­sis in Afgha­ni­stan, dis­cri­mi­na­ti­on and secu­ri­ty thre­ats depri­ve Haza­ras of access to huma­ni­ta­ri­an aid and inter­na­tio­nal sup­port.

Accor­ding to a report from UNAMA web­site, A recent exam­p­le shows that twen­ty pri­va­te schools from dis­trict 13 of wes­tern parts of Kabul—home to Haza­ra populations—were eli­gi­ble to recei­ve stu­dent fees from the Asia Foun­da­ti­on, but Haza­ra schools were desel­ec­ted by the aut­ho­ri­ties and the sup­port diver­ted. The­re are many other accounts from locals that reve­al the Taliban’s dis­cri­mi­na­ti­on against the Haza­ras in acces­sing huma­ni­ta­ri­an aid, and which are not repor­ted by inter­na­tio­nal media out­lets. The com­mu­ni­ty is under immense pres­su­re for sur­vi­val with no meaningful sup­port. The Haza­ra dia­spo­ra has lost its “eyes and ears” to report on the community’s pre­ca­rious sta­tus and speak for their pre­di­ca­ment as a result of the prac­ti­cal­ly total col­lap­se of inde­pen­dent media and civil socie­ty. Haza­ra human rights acti­vists have reli­ed on inter­nal civil socie­ty initia­ti­ves, but with the Tali­ban in power, the community’s voice has been lost. For the pur­po­se of iden­ti­fy­ing and pre­ven­ting cri­mes against the com­mu­ni­ty, it will be
cru­cial to address access con­cerns in order to moni­tor the suf­fe­ring of Haza­ras under Tali­ban rule.

To sum up, Given this histo­ry and cur­rent situa­tions, it is not accu­ra­te to say that the Tali­ban has his­to­ri­cal­ly or curr­ent­ly sup­port­ed or pro­tec­ted the Haza­ras. Ins­tead, they have been and are per­se­cu­ted mino­ri­ty under Tali­ban rule and if inter­na­tio­nal orga­niza­ti­ons and count­ries do not take an action to mino­ri­ties dis­cri­mi­na­ti­on in Afgha­ni­stan this will ends with a geno­ci­de.


FAQ LAP (Landesaufnahmeprogramm Bremen)

Ver­pflich­tungs­er­klä­rung: In wel­cher Form ist die Ver­pflich­tungs­er­klä­rung abzu­ge­ben?

Die Abga­be einer Ver­pflich­tungs­er­klä­rung erfolgt bei einem per­sön­li­chen Ter­min im Migra­ti­ons­amt nach voll­stän­di­ger Prü­fung sämt­li­cher Unter­la­gen.

FAQ LAP (Landesaufnahmeprogramm Bremen)

Ver­pflich­tungs­er­klä­rung: Kann eine Ver­pflich­tungs­er­klä­rung von meh­re­ren Per­so­nen abge­ge­ben wer­den?

Die Ver­pflich­tungs­er­klä­rung kann gesamt­schuld­ne­risch von bis zu vier Per­so­nen abge­ge­ben wer­den.

LAP (Landesaufnahmeprogramm Bremen)

Ver­pflich­tungs­er­klä­rung: Wie lan­ge besteht die Haf­tung aus einer Ver­pflich­tungs­er­klä­rung?

Die Haf­tungs­dau­er der Ver­pflich­tungs­er­klä­rung beträgt gem. § 68 Abs. 1 Satz 1 Auf­enthG fünf Jah­re, begin­nend mit dem Tag der Ein­rei­se.

LAP (Landesaufnahmeprogramm Bremen)

Ver­pflich­tungs­er­klä­rung: Für wen ist die Ver­pflich­tungs­er­klä­rung abzu­ge­ben?

Die Ver­pflich­tungs­er­klä­rung ist für jede ein­rei­se­wil­li­ge Per­son getrennt abzu­ge­ben.

FAQ LAP (Landesaufnahmeprogramm Bremen)

Antrag: Wel­che Unter­la­gen wer­den für das Bre­mer Lan­des­auf­nah­me­pro­gramm Afgha­ni­stan (LAP) benö­tigt?

Doku­men­te ans Migra­ti­ons­amt bit­te im PDF-For­mat über­sen­den!

Als Bei­spiel für einen Antrag fin­den Sie hier ein
Mus­ter-For­mu­lar (nicht offi­zi­ell)

Nach­wei­se zur Glaub­haft­ma­chung der Ver­wandt­schafts­ver­hält­nis­se
  • Für Ehe­gat­ten:
  • Für Eltern, Kin­der:
    Geburts­ur­kun­de oder Fami­li­en­buch
  • Für Geschwis­ter:
    Geburts­ur­kun­de des Antragstellers/ der Antrag­stel­le­rin und des auf­zu­neh­men­den Geschwis­ter­teils oder Fami­li­en­buch der Eltern
  • Für Ehe­gat­ten von Ver­wand­ten 1. oder 2. Gra­des:
    Hei­rats­ur­kun­de und Geburts­ur­kun­de des Ver­wand­ten 1. oder 2. Gra­des
  • Für Groß­el­tern:
    Fami­li­en­buch oder Geburts­ur­kun­den des Antrag­stel­lers / der Antrag­stel­le­rin und des­sen Eltern
  • über­setz­ter gül­ti­ger Rei­se­pass oder über­setz­te Iden­ti­täts­kar­te (e‑Tazkira),
  • Über­setz­ter Staats­an­ge­hö­rig­keits­nach­weis (Taz­ki­ra; ein­fach, beglau­bigt oder online Taz­ki­ra),
  • Über­setz­te Geburts­ur­kun­de
  • Nach­weis über den aktu­el­len Auf­ent­halts­ort in Afgha­ni­stan oder den Anrai­ner­staa­ten Afgha­ni­stans ggf. mit Über­set­zung
Siche­rung des Lebens­un­ter­halts
  • Kopie der Lohn­kos­ten­ab­rech­nun­gen der letz­ten drei Mona­te
  • Kopie des Arbeits­ver­tra­ges
  • ggf. Kopie des Miet­ver­tra­ges
  • Vor­ab­zu­stim­mung des Ver­mie­ters zur Unter­brin­gung von der/den nach­zu­ho­len­den Person/en oder
  • Nach­weis zum Besitz von Wohn­ei­gen­tum mit aus­rei­chen­der Wohn­flä­che für den/die nach­zu­ho­len­den.

Für die Ertei­lung der Auf­ent­halts­er­laub­nis ist außer­dem eine Ver­pflich­tungs­er­klä­rung nach § 68 Auf­enthG abzu­ge­ben.

FAQ LAP (Landesaufnahmeprogramm Bremen)

Antrag: In wel­cher Form kann der aktu­el­le Auf­ent­halts­ort in Afgha­ni­stan nach­ge­wie­sen wer­den?

Zunächst zählt hier der glaub­haf­te Vor­trag, wenn kei­ne Nach­wei­se vor­lie­gen. Man muss in jedem Fall die Adres­se benen­nen kön­nen, an der man sich in Afgha­ni­stan oder im Anrai­ner­staat auf­hält. Danach rich­tet sich ja auch, bei wel­cher Aus­lands­ver­tre­tung der Visum­an­trag gestellt wer­den muss.

FAQ LAP (Landesaufnahmeprogramm Bremen)

Antrag: Sol­len die für die ein­zu­rei­chen­den Doku­men­te schon bei Antrag­stel­lung mit­ge­schickt wer­den, oder erst spä­ter?

Ein­zu­rei­chen­de Doku­men­te (Kopie Arbeits­ver­trag, Nach­weis Ver­wandt­schafts­be­zie­hun­gen etc.) bit­te erst spä­ter schi­cken, wenn geprüft wur­de, ob Antrag­stel­lung über­haupt in Fra­ge kommt.

Afghanistan: Hintergrund

»Höl­le auf Erden«

Jun­ge Welt vom 16.8.2023:

“Vor zwei Jah­ren zog die NATO aus Afgha­ni­stan ab. Der Krieg gegen die afgha­ni­sche Bevöl­ke­rung aber hält an. Die west­li­chen Sank­tio­nen gegen die Tali­ban sor­gen für Hun­ger und Elend.